INTRODUCTION
When,
in the second canto of Jean Baptiste (1825),
Levi Adams turns from the “bleak Canadian fall,
or winter” (607) to the most influential contemporary
English poet, his biligual diction and carnivalesque aesthetic
should make us reluctant to generalize about nineteenth-century
literature:
They’re
very much like Byron’s poetry—
Now
here—now there—now sideways or uphill,—
Or
in a cahot, if there’s snow d’ye
see,—
And
if there’s none—why have it if you will,
In
mud or ditch, as best it pleases ye,
Both
may be had, or either at your option,
As
easy, as a son or daughter—by adoption!
(610-16)
Byron proves
that English influences can be counter-hegemonic as
well as imperial. In this case, Byron’s influence
enables Adams to blend the two vernaculars of Lower
Canada, especially when he refers to a “cahot,
if there’s snow d’ye see.” What A.M.
Klein said in his tribute to Montreal was already true
in 1825: “multiple / The lexicons uncargo’d
at your quays,” most importantly the “double-melodied
vocabulaire” of English and French.1
But the reference to a “cahot” (or rut)
is more than a colourful detail, for it shows the influence
of Adams’ contemporary, George Longmore, who describes
the cahot at length in The Charivari; or Canadian
Poetics (1824).2
Both poems are exceptions to later generalizations
about Canadian poetry of the colonial period, and both
poems confirm C.D. Mazoff’s assertion that early
Canadian poetry was more than “just another colonial
extension of the mother country.”3
Until
1977, and even longer in some cases,4
Longmore’s identity was unknown, and scholars
followed Carl F. Klinck in attributing both the pseudonymously-published
The Charivari and Jean Baptiste to
Adams.5
[Page ix] Then in her Introduction
to the Golden Dog Press edition of The Charivari,
and more fully in a series of subsequent articles, Mary
Lu MacDonald set the record straight.6
As a result, and as Klinck immediately recognized, “Now
Longmore must take on what Adams must surrender,”
including various poems and essays published in Montreal
between 1823 and 1826 and the anonymously-published
Tales of Chivalry and Romance (Edinburgh, 1826)
as well as The Charivari.7
Adams is now known to be the author of Jean Baptiste,
two short stories in the Canadian Magazine
in 1825, six poems in the Montreal Herald in
1825 and 1826, one French poem dated 1831, and possibly
three polemical exchanges under the pseudonym “X.Y.Z.”8
As
MacDonald writes in the best account of the matter,
“Very little is known of Adams’ life.”9
She estimates that Adams was born on
March 17, 1802, but we do not know where. The most likely
place is Henryville, in the seigneury of Noyan, since
one of Adams’ stories is signed “L.A., Henryville.”
He articled to a lawyer in Noyan, and was admitted to
the bar on November 2, 1827. When he married Elizabeth
C. Wright in her home town of Northampton, Massachusetts
on July 10, 1830, he was identified only as “Levi
Adams Esq.” Of Montreal; his date of birth and
family background are not given.10
Despite the Wright family’s prominence, not much
is known of Adams’ wife. She was the child of
Ferdinand Hunt and Olive Ames Wright, and the house
in which she was raised is now preserved as a monument
by Historic Northampton, but she disappears from the
records when she married Adams. They were married in
the First Congregational Church of Northampton, where
Jonathan Edwards began his ministry in the previous
century. Both Adams and his wife died in Montreal in
the cholera epidemic of 1832. The Montreal Gazette’s
notice of June 23, 1832 completes the story:
On
Thursday evening, Elizabeth Wright, Widow of the late
Levy [sic] Adams, Esquire, Advocate, and daughter
of F.H. Wright, Esquire, Northampton, Massachusetts.
This amiable young female survived her husband but
a single day. Enfeebled by a malady from which she
had scarcely recovered, she has fallen a victim to
the fatigues and anxiety produced by her attendance
on the sick bed of Mr. Adams, whose death we announced
in our last. A son, only three weeks old, has been
left to the care of the bereaved friends of the deceased.11
[Page x]
There
is no further trace of the son, even in the extensive
Wright family records.
Since
further speculation on Adams’ life would have
to be based on evidence internal to Jean Baptiste,
and since, as Edgar Allan Poe argued, “There is
no subject matter under heaven about which funnier ideas
are, in general, entertained than about this subject
of internal evidence,”12
we must read Jean Baptiste with only a rudimentary
biographical frame of reference. Nonetheless it is striking
that the narrator is more provincial than the narrators
of Byron’s satires or The Charivari.
Although the bilingual character of the lower province
is amply registered in the poem, the narrator sees nothing
remarkable about it. Adams does not compare Canada with
England, as Longmore does, probably because he lacked
Longmore’s cosmopolitan experiences. That is one
reason why Jean Baptiste is less successful
than The Charivari.
I.
Byronic Satire and Its Influence
The
main influence on Jean Baptiste is explicitly
stated in the poem and implicitly evoked in every ottava
rima stanza. That is the form, of course, that Byron
used in Beppo (1818) and then returned to in
Don Juan (1819-1824) and The Vision of
Judgement (1822). Leslie A. Marchand describes
the form’s suitability for Byronic satire:
The
immensely adaptable ottava rima could be used to express
a genuine sentiment, built up by the alternate rhyme
and reinforced by the couplet at the end, or to blow
a burlesque bubble to be pricked by a ludicrous rhyme.
Byron had found a medium in which he could be relaxed
and honest, or bantering and witty, as in his letters.
He could rise to poetry when he wished and return
to prose without apology. And since he believed that
no poetry was more than half good, why worry about
the descent from Pegasus.13
Adams’
adaptation of Byron’s casual manner is at its
best in the opening, in which the narrator calls Pegasus
a “crazy Jade”(8) and then states, in the
tenth stanza, “I mean beginning of digression,
as you see” (73). The [Page xi] subject
of the poem is not revealed until the end of the seventeenth
stanza, but the narrator fends off objections by this
tactic:
But gentle reader, let us jog along,—
We’ve a good way, to journey yet
together:—
And if the muses aid me in my song—
‘Tis well—if not—come
rain, or windy weather—
I’ll brave it all and still my course prolong:—
Should critics start and ask the
“why and whether”—
I’ll stop my ears, nor heed the pedant fools,
Whilst they quote “precedent” and give their
“learned rules.”
(49-56)
Because
the combination of a colloquial address to the reader
with a disdain for pedantry gives the verse an endearing
ease, we are content to linger in a lengthy digression.
In
many respects, and as Marchand implies, Byronic satire
is the art of digression.14
According to John Jump, less than half of the stanzas
in Beppo “contribute to telling the story,”15
and the same can be said of Jean Baptiste.
The problem is that, in the first place, the plot of
Jean Baptiste is less inherently interesting
than the plots of Beppo or The Charivari,
and that, in the second place, Adams’ digressions
are sometimes neither witty nor pertinent. When the
narrator of Beppo digresses on the differences
between English and Italian manners, he addresses the
poem’s main concerns. When the narrator of The
Charivari digresses on the Canadian winter, he
brings in the poem’s main concerns, for he compares
a sleigh ride to the course of a marriage.16
But when the narrator of Jean Baptiste digresses
on smoking or fishing, he tries the reader’s patience.
The
truth is that Adams’ understanding of Byron is
weaker than Longmore’s. Adams sees only
the surface disorder of Byron’s poetry, “Now
here—now there—now sideways or uphill”
(II. 611). In one stanza, the narrator refers to “our
superb / Constitution” (I. 392-93); in the next,
to Byron’s politics, apparently unaware of the
contradiction between his conservatism and Byron’s
radicalism. By contrast, Longmore’s sense of Byron’s
beliefs is so keen that The Charivari distances
itself from Byron’s radicalism. As D.M.R. Bentley
argues, “Longmore was not uncritical in his admiration
of Byron [and this] is further indicated by the fact
that The Charivari contains digressions declaring
the narrator’s affection for his [Page
xii] country and his family…, two subjects
whose absence from the work of his cosmopolitan master
Longmore notices with regret and apology in his essay
on Lord Byron….”17
Furthermore, Adams has an imperfect grasp of the role
of licentiousness in Byronic satire. As Byron
told John Murray, “Why Man the Soul of such writing
is it’s license….”18
Adams includes several lines and one full stanza of
asterisks, in an apparent attempt to suggest the licentiousness
that he could not depict. The attempt recalls the American
poet Fitz-Greene Halleck, who similarly used asterisks
in Fanny (1819), an imitation of Beppo.
The attempt also recalls James Russell Lowell’s
verdict on Fanny: “a pseudo Don Juan
/ With the wickedness out that gave salt to the true
one.”19
With
all its shortcomings, Jean Baptiste has several
virtues. First, early Canadian literature was especially
ripe for satire; as Archibald Lampman wrote later in
the century, “the times can hardly carry patriotic
verse, particularly of a boastful character. Satire
would appear to be the species of verse most applicable
to the present emergency.”20
Adams and Longmore brought a healthy irreverence into
early Canadian literature. Both understood the need
for satiric self-reflexivity, and hence both mock themselves
as well as others. Second, and as Klinck notes, “Adams
read Byron as a new master of burlesque and satire in
the tradition of Samual Butler (Hudibras, 1663-1678)
and ‘Peter Pindar’ (Dr. John Wolcot, author
of Lyric Odes (1782-1785).”21
As A.B. England argues, the importance of the burlesque
style for Byronic satire is that it “manifests
a high degree of tolerance for disorder, impurity, and
discontinuity of rhetoric and diction,” and that
it usually does so in the name of realism.22
As the notes to this edition attest, Adams alludes extensively
to this tradition, as well as to the more exalted satirists
in the Classical and English traditions.
The
third virtue of Jean Baptiste is that it leads
us to question the facile assumption of a “cultural
lag” in early Canadian literature.23
According to this theory, at least a decade or two had
to elapse between the publication of the influential
work and its reception in Canada. But “the earliest
volume of Upper or Lower Canadian writing to which the
author signed his name,” as MacDonald calls Jean
Baptiste,24
suggests that such ideas need to be reconsidered. In
the stanza referred to above, Adams writes that Byron
brought politics and politicians “in, for sake
of their variety / ‘To stuff with sage
that verdant goose society’”(I.
407-08). The last line is quoted, slightly inaccurately,
from Don Juan, Canto XV, stanza 93: “my
business is to dress society, / And stuff with
sage that very verdant [Page xiii]
goose.”25
This canto made a strong impression on Adams, for he
alludes to it again—accurately, this time—in
his second canto: “‘There’s music
in all things, if men had ears’ / Says Byron…”
(161-62). Byron says precisely that in the fifth stanza
of Canto XV (I.39). Now that canto was not published
until April of 1824. It must have been sent to Canada
almost immediately for Adams to refer to it in a poem
published in 1825. Because the theory of the “cultural
lag” is clearly not appropriate in all cases,
its general use does a disservice to early Canadian
writers by exaggerating their isolation.
II. The Narration of Inconstancy
A
good place to start on the complex topic of the role
of the narrator in Jean Baptiste is with Frederick
L. Beaty’s comment: “One must consistently
bear in mind that the persona in Beppo, like
all of Byron’s speakers, deliberately undercuts
himself and therefore his own satiric authority.”26
As in Beppo, a pattern of self-mockery is evident
in Jean Baptiste from the beginning. Such self-mockery,
however, seems at first inconsistent with the narrator’s
penchant for melancholy confession. Without denying
that there are contradictions in Jean Baptiste,
I would argue that some of these contradictions are
at least compatible with the poem’s emphasis on
the inconstancy of the mind and heart. To some extent,
then, the narrator makes his point in two ways: explicitly
in his remarks on inconstancy; and implicitly in his
shifts and inconsistencies. He does not assume an authority
above his characters, because he is as liable to err
as they are. None of this is meant to deny that there
are obvious lapses in the poem, but there is also a
method to some of the narrative madness.
These
patterns are clearer in Canto I. As we have seen, the
poem begins in self-mockery, as the narrator digresses
before he even begins his story. Whatever his faults,
he is at least occasionally modest and witty, as in
the twelfth stanza:
Yes patience—hear
what I may have to say,
It may do good, if not ‘twill
do no harm;
Just for amusement to pass time away—
If, tinctured with a soporific
charm,
It make you doze,—peruse it in the day—
When you are sick, and should
it grief disarm, [Page xiv]
Tho’ I am neither Doctor nor Magician—
I might set up for a most learn’d Physician.
(89-96)
If
there is a contradiction here, it is integral to Byronic
satire: how can you criticize others without resembling
the moralists that you want to satirize? Byron’s
answer was “to be a little quietly facetious upon
every thing,” as he said in one letter, and to
keep his morality implicit, as he said in another: “I
maintain that [Don Juan] is the most moral
of poems—but if people won’t discover the
moral that is their fault not mine.”27
Adams’ answer is to retreat from a moral perspective
whenever it arises—hence in the stanza after the
one just quoted, he dismisses his own plans, adding
that “I have, as yet, nor licence, nor diploma”
(104). Again, later in the canto, his admiration for
Byron’s stance leads him back to the same problem.
Here is his graceful retreat:
Tho’ not professedly a moralizer—
One may presume to lecture,
now and then,
E’en those who are, in truth, much wiser
Than his dear self; since there’s
a class of men,
Who sadly need, a candid, kind adviser,
And, might derive instructions,
from my pen;—
But stop—my pen is bad—and I must mend it—
So ends the stanza—or this line will end it!
(409-16)
Neither
a sage nor a man of the world, the narrator finds himself
in the position of lecturing his superiors. When he
calls attention to the construction of his own verses
in the closing lines of this stanza, he moves from lecturer
to bufoon. He vacillates between these positions
throughout the poem.
In the context of such
self-mockery, some of the narrator’s confessions
are not quite so dubious as they seem. Take the four-stanza
digression on bachelors, for instance. It begins
with the argument that bachelors are mistaken, since
they
renounce their legal rights
To social joys—the raptures and the honey, [Page
xv]
Of the most blissful of all blisses—Matrimony!
(158-160)
This
passage is immediately followed by four lines of quotation
on the “free and funny” reveries and “serene”
days enjoyed by bachelors. In a poem influenced by Byron,
it is hard not to read these shifting attitudes as a
deep ambivalence towards the institution of marriage.
After all, Byron thought of ending Don Juan
with his hero in either Hell or “an unhappy marriage,”
adding that the former may be an allegory of the latter.28
Lacking any experience of marriage, let alone Byron’s,
Adams’ narrator can say only that when he prefers
the married to the single life, “It may be truly
that I’m in the wrong” (166). Caught
in the awkward position of lecturing his superiors,
the narrator responds by calling attention to his own
poetic fumblings, which are further accentuated by running
one stanza into the next:
And say who’d be a Bachelor—I’d not,
That is, if I could marry to
my liking,
(Which heav’n permit may some day be my lot),
And get a model of each beauty
striking,
In love’s vocabulary—if I thought—
But where’s the rhyme?
What say you now to spiking
—Pray pardon me—I meant to add, or ought,—
That if she’d half the qualities I sought,
XXIII.
I could consent to hie me to the altar
Of Hymen….
(169-78)
In
an uncharitable reading, these admissions show that
Adams lacks the qualifications to write Byronic satire.
In the more charitable reading offered here, these admissions
show that Adams is conscious of his lacks, and the sign
of that consciousness is the self-mockery of the poet.
And so again, several stanzas later, when the narrator
hesitates whether to write that Baptiste fell “in”
or “into love” (201,217), he is not merely
padding his stanza, he is calling attention to his limitations:
[Page xvi]
Though I’ve, as yet, not taken my degrees,
In Cupid’s College, and
can’t justly know:
But I will hazard in, for your inspection,
Saving recourse to all who claim connection!
(221-24)
As
a Postmodernist might say, the narrator situates himself
while calling atten- tion to the materiality of the
signifier.
The biggest flaw in the
first Canto is the odd inclusion of brief melancholy
confessions, notably this in the thirty-sixth stanza:
I had a “friend” once, and I deem’d
him all,
That man could or should be—not
what man is,
And has been, e’er since our first parents’
fall
From Eden’s bow’rs—blest
Paradise of bliss.—
But he is changed; what then was friendship’s
call
Were now a favour to bestow—but
‘tis
Not, not that I grieve, the moments past to scan;
I grieve to see th’inconstancy of man.
(281-88)
It
is quite fitting for satire to see such inconstancy,
but not to “grieve” to see it. Without inconstancy,
satire would be deprived of most of its targets. Furthermore,
the details of the past friendship are pathetic in more
than one sense, and so whatever autobiographical compulsion
inspires the stanza does not serve the larger interests
of the poem. But if even Homer nods, even Adams wakes,
and five stanzas later, he humourously corrects his
own melancholy vision:
In truth the world’s a wonder altogether—
And man’s a creature
wonderfully made,—
(And so is woman!) fickle as the feather;
So heathenish philosophers
have said,
Made to endure sunshine and rainy weather,
To love, fear, hope, betray
and be betrayed,
And marry too—not till he courts a wife tho’,
Eat, drink, be merry, some say smoke tobacco.
(321-28) [Page xvii]
Now
betrayal is not just something done to us, it is also
something we do to others. Now the “inconstancy
of man” is not just a source of grief, it is also
a source of “wonder.” Now inconstancy is
as natural as the weather, which we can occasionally
enjoy as well as “endure.” Whatever his
flaws, Adams employs what Edward E. Bostetter calls
Byron’s “device of incongruity, the lightning
shift from one state of mind to its opposite.”29
For Bostetter, this device ultimately becomes “romantic
irony—the half-sad, half-comic juxtaposition of
the illusion and the reality, of the ideal and the actual,
of what we should be and what we are. In this form it
establishes the dominant mood of the poem [Don Juan].”
Jean Baptiste never quite establishes a “dominant
mood,” and whatever “romantic irony”
it has may not be intentional. Nonetheless, Klinck is
right to argue that Adams achieved “a kind of
salvation by imitating Byron’s Don Juan,”
30 for Byron
saved him from his own worst qualities.
We see a similar incongruity
later in the canto, where a stanza lamenting the “happy
hours” of youth (473) precedes a stanza flouting
poetic decorum: “But who would choose become an
analytic / Merely to please a despicable critic?”
(487-88). The shift is so abrupt that the irony seems
deliberate. A similar irony governs the characterization
of Baptiste, who begins as a military hero (stanza XXV)
and ends, after failing to woo Lorrain, as a failed
suicide: “hanging infused such a queer pain, /
It brought him to his senses back again” (535-36).
What prevents me from confidently referring to a deliberately
ironic pattern is the canto’s conclusion. The
narrator’s comic struggle to balance his commitments
to Pegasus and his readers would have closed matters
nicely, but that stanza is followed by a melancholy
one on the sadness of parting. With Jean Baptiste,
it is sometimes hard to know if the bathos is intentional.
Canto II is less coherent
than Canto I in at least three ways: it begins with
an even longer digression, returning to the story of
Baptiste only in stanza XXVIII; it does not substantially
add to the story until it is more than half finished;
and it makes greater use of the regrettable asterisks.
But the pattern of shifts, self-mockery, and incongruities
is present again. The opening stanzas on the beauties
of Canadian nature turn disconcertingly into an account
of memory as the “cankering gangrene of all misery”
(24). The narrator seems unaware of the incongruity
in admiring change in the seasons (3-8) and regretting
change in his life (18-24), but he recovers in stanza
IV, when he alludes to Peter Pindar’s wisdom:
“Care to our coffin adds a nail, no doubt; / But
every grin so merry draws one out.”31
But several [Page xviii] nails are
added in the following stanzas. Perhaps the most incongruous
digression in the poem is the one on mutability beginning
in stanza XIV. Not only is the facile view of aging
the kind that only a poet in his early twenties could
hold, but also the religious sentiment in these lines
is utterly at odds with Byronic satire in general and
this poem in particular:
Then think not of thy youthful hours—the years
Of bye-past scenes…
…but look beyond, where taught
To soar, faith triumphs o’er death’s dark,
cold bed,
And, all immortal, man no tears shall shed.
(105-06, 110-12)
Such
faith is notably absent from the remainder of the poem:
thus the narrator does not witness the wedding of Baptiste
and Rosalie because “for me, ‘tis much too
early, / To go to church” (625-26).
The poem has a way of
recovering from its flaws. In this case, it happens
in stanza XIX, when the narrator realizes that to forego
sadness is also to forego joy, since the two are inextricably
linked. He then restates the same moral in appropriately
self-deprecatory fashion in stanza XXXIII: “I
would not love—(reason and prudence bid not) /
Could I endure life’s burthen if I did not”
(263-64). Adams’ conservatism appears in his accounts
of the social implications of the poet’s sense
of proportion: it is the business of “music, poetry,
or politicians” to “keep the constitution
in complete / State of preservation” (153-57);
and “all, ‘tis said, with a firm resolution
/ May be achiev’d by time and a good—constitution!”
(279-80). Like Longmore’s, Adams’ politics
owe less to Byron than to what Bentley calls “the
Augustan satirists in whose values and techniques Byron’s
roots also lie.”32
What is true of the narrator
is also true of Baptiste: “—In truth, tho’
Baptiste could not love another / Or said as much, it
proved quite au contraire” (313-14).
Gracefully turning a long digression on bitterness
into self-mockery (375-76), the narrator finally resumes
his story, and the last half of the second canto describes
Baptiste’s pursuit of and marriage to the Lady
Rosalie. Because both of the lovers are mocked (see
especially stanzas XLVII, XLIX, LV, and LX), and because
the narrator emphasizes “precaution” (505)
and “marriage contracts” (515, 534-36),
Klinck argues that “Adams goes beyond Longmore
in instructing his readers, and Adams [Page
xix] confesses to more caution about marriage
than Longmore does… Adams’ treatment of
love puts it into the area of stern, practical, realities
known to the legal profession and recognized in the
courts.”33
In my reading, the narrator is much less consistent
and decisive. He is never able to elevate himself beyond
Baptiste, although he tries:
Oh, love! to write it makes my heart ache sadly;
In truth, I love to have it
ache a little—
Not that I’d feel the tender passion madly,
But to remind me that life’s
thread is brittle,
And quickly may be snapp’d—I would not,
gladly,
Feel as poor Baptiste did,
in every tittle,
Nor in the outline, but there are sensations—
Most deeply painful with their consolations.
(233-40)
That
is stanza XXX, but the narrator is still indecisive
in stanzas LXXXVIII and LXXXIX: “Some things I
used to love, I almost hate; / And vice versa”
(704-05). In words that Adams attributes to Swift,34
“An honest man may be a bitter bad logician”
(note to 521). This ambivalence is sustained to the
very last stanza, which begins with an allusion to Rabelais
and ends with an another to Dryden35:
“La Farce est faite,” he concludes,
for “all things… Must have an end”:
“And since it is so—reader be assur’d,
/ ‘A CURELESS MALADY MUST BE ENDUR’D’”
(713, 714-18, 719-20). According to Dryden’s
Arcite, “love’s a malady without a cure.”
According to Jean Baptiste, it is also a malady
that neither the narrator nor the hero can escape.
III.
Adams and Longmore Revisited
As
Klinck maintains, “Not all of the queries concerning
The Charivari (spring 1824) and Jean Baptiste
(1825) are swept away by the new evidence” about
Longmore’s identity.36
Why did two remarkably similar poems appear almost simultaneously
in Montreal? Part of the answer resides in Byron’s
extraordinary influence, which by 1824 was almost as
widespread as the English language itself. In addition
to the similarities in setting, character, plot, and
style discussed by Klinck, the numerous verbal echoes
and parallels between the two poems imply a further
answer to [Page xx] Klinck’s
questions: “Should they be judged as parallel
imitations of Don Juan? Was Adams provoked
or inspired to produce in 1825 an imitation of The
Charivari?”37
It is precisely because Jean Baptiste is an
imitation of The Charivari that the latter
has priority in every sense. The Charivari
is a better satire, with a better understanding of Byron
and a better grasp of time and place. One of Adams’
shortcomings is that it is not at all clear how, while
it is all too clear that, Jean Baptiste was
provoked by The Charivari.
The First Edition
The
first edition of Jean Baptiste was published
in Montreal in 1825 and reprinted the next year in The
Canadian Review and Magazine, II, No. IV (Feb.
1826): 451-84. The name of the publisher is not stated.
The book was bound in a blank blue cover of heavy paper.
The pages are of rough quality, and the five signatures
were not sewn, but punched through the margins. The
collation is “1 p. 1, 34 p. 8vo. p. 18-22 appear
as 8-12. 19.2 x 12 cm.”38
There are copies in the Metropolitan Toronto Reference
Library and the Rare Books section of the D.B. Weldon
Library, University of Western Ontario. The Toronto
copy has been recovered in boards, while the latter
has been repaired. On the front page (unnumbered) of
the Western Ontario copy is this inscription: “To
J. Dewitt Esq with the compts. of the author.”
On the cover is the name “Jacob Dewitt, Esquire.”
The recto running titles are sometimes higher than the
verso running titles towards the end of the book. In
both the Toronto and the Western Ontario copies, pages
18-22 are mistakenly paginated as 8-12.
The Present Text
The
present text of Jean Baptiste is based on the
first edition of the poem held by the Metropolitan Toronto
Reference Library. The copy at the University of Western
Ontario reveals no variations. Except in cases of obvious
error (such as missing parentheses and misspellings)
and likely error (such as misplaced commas), the original
punctuation and spelling have been retained. All departures
from the first edition are recorded in the list of Editorial
Emendations that follows the text. [Page xxi]
Notes to the Introduction
| 1 |
The
Rocking Chair and Other Poems (Toronto: Ryerson,
1948) 30. [back] |
| 2 |
The
Charivari; or Canadian Poetics: A Tale, After
the Manner of Beppo, ed. D.M.R. Bentley (London,
Canada: Canadian Poetry Press, 1991) 33, 1. 634
and note. [back]
|
| 3 |
“Strategies
of Colonial Legitimation in the Early Canadian
Long Poem,” Canadian Poetry: Studies,
Documents, Reviews 36 (1995): 109.
[back]
|
| 4 |
Smaro
Kamboureli recognizes that The Charivari
is a “notable exception” to her argument
that early Canadian long poems “express
an aesthetic and an ideology extraneous to Canadian
experience,” but she attributes the poem
to Adams. Furthermore, she confuses a Byronic
parody with a parody of Byron: thus she argues
that “excessive digression,” “numerous
apostrophes,” and self-reflexive comments
make the poem’s “rendering of Beppo…clearly
parodic.” On the Edge of Genre: The
Contemporary Canadian Long Poem (Toronto:
U of Toronto P, 1991) 10, 19. That such a critic
can err in such fundamental ways suggests that
a wilful ignorance of nineteenth-century poetry
is as necessary for Post-modernists as it was
for their Modernist predecessors—even in
Canada. That Kamboureli’s errors were not
corrected by an important university press says
much about the ongoing marginalization of early
Canadian literature. [back]
|
| 5 |
See
“The Charivari and Levi Adams,”
Dalhousie Review 40 (1960): 34-42.
[back]
|
| 6 |
Introd.,
The Charivari or Canadian Poetics (Ottawa:
Golden Dog, 1977); “George Longmore: A New
Literary Ancestor,” Dalhousie Review
59 (1979): 265-85; “Some Notes on the Montreal
Literary Scene in the Mid-1820’s,”
Canadian Poetry: Studies, Documents, Reviews
5 (1979): 29-40; and “Further Light on a
Life: George Longmore in Cape Colony,” Canadian
Poetry: Studies, Documents, Reviews 24 (1989):
62-77. [back]
|
| 7 |
Introd.,
Jean Baptiste: A Poetic Olio, in II Cantos
(Ottawa: Golden Dog, 1978) 6. [back]
|
| 8 |
The
two stories are “The Young Lieutenant: A
Tale,” The Canadian Magazine
IV, No. XXIV (June 1825): 495-500; and “The
Wedding,” The Canadian Magazine
IV, No. XXIV (June 1825): 523-24. Six poems appeared
under the initials “L.A.” in the Montreal
Herald: [Page xxii]“Who
Has Not Felt,” Jan. 22, 1825; “Poetry
Run Mad: Chap. I: Term Time; or the first of October,”
Nov. 5, 1825; “Poetry Run Mad: Chap. II:
Montreal,” Nov. 12, 1825; “Theatre
Royal,” Dec. 17, 1825; “Lines on a
Young Lady’s Glove Having Been Torn to Pieces
by her Little Pig,” Feb. 18, 1826; “The
Years That I Have Liv’d,” Feb. 20,
1826. On “X.Y.Z.,” see Klinck,
Introd., 1-3. The three pieces
in question are a poem responding to elegies for
animals in Quebec Mercury, Feb. 5, 1822;
“Rejected Address Written for the opening
of the New-Market Theatre,” Montreal
Herald, April 24, 1824; and a letter in The
Scribbler 121 (May 13, 1824): 123-24. The
French poem is “Le Beau Sexe Canadien,”
Rëpertoire, ed. J. Huston (Montreal,
1893), Vol. I, 230. I am indebted to D.M.R. Bentley
and Klinck’s Introd. for these bibliographical
details. [back]
|
| 9 |
“Levi
Adams,” Dictionary of Literary Biography
99: Canadian Writers Before 1890, ed. W.H.
New (Detroit: Bruccoli Clark Layman, 1990) 5-6.
MacDonald provided further help in a letter to
me, 26 Jan. 1993. [back] |
| 10 |
I
obtained a copy of the marriage certificate from
the Northampton city records. [back]
|
| 11 |
The
Hampshire Gazette announced the death
on June 27, 1832: “In Montreal, Levi Adams,
Esq. formerly of Colerain.” Like Hampshire,
Colerain is a Massachusetts town. Adams’
birth there would help to explain his marriage,
but there is no record of it. The Colerain
genealogy refers only to a Levi Adams born in
1815, too late for the author of Jean Baptiste.
[back]
|
| 12 |
“Marginalia,
March 1848,” Essays and Reviews,
ed. G.R. Thompson (New York: Library of America,
1984) 1430. [back]
|
| 13 |
Byron’s
Poetry: A Critical Introduction
(Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1965) 148. [back]
|
| 14 |
Marchand
writes of Beppo that “the meat
of the poem was in the digression” (150).
[back]
|
| 15 |
Byron
(London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1972) 96. Jump
estimates that 41 of the 99 stanzas contribute
to the narrative. I estimate that 68 of the 160
stanzas in Jean Baptiste contribute to
the narrative. [back]
|
| 16 |
Stanzas
70-83. I have discussed this digression at length
in “George Longmore’s The Charivari:
A Poem ‘After the Manner of Beppo,”
[Page xxiii] Canadian Poetry:
Studies, Documents, Reviews 10 (1982): 1-17.
[back]
|
| 17 |
Mimic
Fires: Accounts of Early Long Poems on Canada
(Kingston: McGill-Queen’s UP, 1994) 133.
Bentley notes a similar ambivalence in Richardson’s
Tecumseh, the 1828 version of which “contains
explicit challenges to Byron’s religious
scepticism and social irresponsibility”
(141). [back]
|
| 18 |
“To
John Murray,” 12 August, 1819, “The
flesh is frail”: Byron’s
Letters and Journals, Volume 6:
1818-1819, ed. Leslie A. Marchand (Cambridge Ma:
Harvard UP, 1976) 208. [back]
|
| 19 |
Lowell’s
remark is from “A Fable for Critics”
(1848); it is cited in William Ellery Leonard,
Byron and Byronism in America (1905;
New York: Haskell House, 1964) 39. [back]
|
| 20 |
In
a column of 19 November, 1892, in At the Mermaid
Inn; Wilfred Campbell, Archibald Lampman, and
Duncan Campbell Scott in The Globe 1892-93,
ed. Barrie Davies (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1979)
194. [back]
|
| 21 |
Introd.,
Jean Baptiste 6. The point can
be amply substantiated. At his own request, Pindar
was buried near Butler in St. Paul’s Covent
Garden. Adams takes his epigraph from Butler’s
Hudibras and alludes to Pindar extensively
in the second canto of Jean Baptiste.
Pindar was praised by George Colman the Younger,
to whom Adams also alludes in this canto. See
Colman, Broad Grins; Comprising with New Additional
Tales in Verse, Those Formerly Published Under
the Title of “My Night-Gown and Slippers,”
5th ed., (London: T. Cadell and W. Davies,
1811) 26: “Peter has often wanted grace,
/ But he has never wanted wit.”
And Colman was a drinking companion of Byron’s.
See the latter’s “Detached Thoughts,
October 15, 1821—May 18, 1822,” Item
107, Lord Byron: Selected Letters and Journals,
ed. Leslie A. Marchand (Cambridge, MA: Harvard
UP, 1982) 279: “I have met George Colman
occasionally and thought him extremely pleasant
and convivial.” [back]
|
| 22 |
Byron’s
Don Juan and Eighteenth-Century Literature:
A Study of Some Rhetorical Continuities and Discontinuities
(Lewisburg: Bucknell UP, 1975) 15-16, 95.
[back]
|
| 23 |
See
my “On the Lack of a ‘Cultural Lag’
in Early Canadian Literature,” Notes
and Queries 238 (1993): 472-73. [back]
|
| 24 |
“Levi
Adams” (see note 9) 5. [back]
|
| 25 |
Byron,
ed. Jerome J. McGann, The Oxford Authors (Oxford:
Oxford [Page xxiv] UP, 1986)
842, 11. 741-42. For the dates of publication
for Don Juan, see McGann, “Chronology,”
xxvi. [back]
|
| 26 |
Byron
the Satirist (Dekalb: N. Illinois UP, 1985)
91. [back]
|
| 27 |
“To
John Murray,” 1 February 1819, “The
flesh is frail” 99. The previous quotation
is from the same volume, “To Thomas Moore,”
19 September 1818, 67. [back]
|
| 28 |
“To
John Murray,” 16 February 1821, “Born
for Opposition”: Byron’s Letters and
Journals, Volume 8: 1821, ed. Leslie A. Marchand
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1978) 78. [back]
|
| 29 |
Introd.,
Byron, Selected Works: Revised and Enlarged,
ed. Edward E. Bostetter (New York: Holt, Rinehart,
and Winston, 1972) xxviii. [back]
|
| 30 |
Klinck,
Introd. Jean Baptiste, 3. [back]
|
| 31 |
From
the fifteenth of the Expostulatory Odes.
[back]
|
| 32 |
Mimic
Fires 134. [back]
|
| 33 |
Introd.,
Jean Baptiste, 7. [back]
|
| 34 |
I
have not been able to identify the source, but
I am confident that it is not Swift. [back]
|
| 35 |
Rabelais’
last words, echoed also in line 712, are said
to be “Tirez le rideau, la farce est jouée”
( Bring down the curtain, the farce is played
out.) Arcite defines love in Palamon and Arcite,
Book 2, 1. 110; see Dryden, ed.
Keith Walker, The Oxford Authors (Oxford: Oxford
UP, 1987) 593. [back]
|
| 36 |
Klinck,
Introd., Jean Baptiste 6. [back]
|
| 37 |
Klinck,
Introd., Jean Baptiste 7. [back]
|
| 38 |
For
this collation, see Frances M. Staton and Marie
Tremaine, A Bibliography of Canadiana: Being
Items in the Public Library of Toronto, Canada,
Relating to the Early History and Development
of Canada (Toronto: Public Library, 1934)
291. [Page xxv] [back]
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