G.D. Roberts and William Wilfred Campbell as Canadian
the pre-Confederation period, Canada’s popularity as
a destination for tourists seeking picturesque and sublime
scenery grew as a result of various literary and transportational
factors. At the turn of the nineteenth century, such
works as Isaac Weld’s Travels through the States
of North America and the Provinces of Upper and Lower
Canada, during the Years 1795, 1796, and 1797 (1799)
and George Heriot’s Travels through the Canadas,
Containing a Description of the Picturesque Scenery
on Some of the Rivers and Lakes (1807) stimulated
a touristic appetite among the British and American
middle and upper classes that few cared to satisfy on
account of the high costs and acute discomforts of travel
to, from, and in Canada. With the completion of the
Erie Canal in 1825, however, travel to Canada’s most
spectacular and popular tourist destination, Niagara
Falls, became much easier and more affordable for tourists,
and in the ensuing decades sight-seeing in central and
eastern Canada was further encouraged by improvements
to Canadian canals and roads, the advent of railways
and steam-powered cruise boats, the retreat into the
distant past of the War of Independence and the War
of 1812, and the publication of a host of travel books
and articles, including Anna Jameson’s very influential
Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Canada (1838)
and W. H. Bartlett and N. P. Willis’s seductively beckoning
Canadian Scenery Illustrated (1842). In 1851,
a steamer service down the St. Lawrence and up the Saguenay
was inaugurated to cater to the demand fostered by George
Warburton’s Hochelaga (1846), George Lanman’s
A Tour to the River Saguenay, in Lower Canada
(1848) and similar books, and by one of the biggest
tourist attractions in the eastern United States and
Canada between 1849 and 1854: William Burr’s "Moving
Panorama" or "Seven Mile Mirror" of the
waterways between Niagara Falls and the upper reaches
of the Saguenay (see Arrington). By Confederation, American
tourism to Canada was well on its way to being the major
industry that it is today.
least two poets writing in pre-Confederation Canada
were quick to recognize American tourism as a potential
source of readers and sales. In the year of the opening
of the Erie Canal, James Lynn Alexander’s Wonders
of the West, or, a Day at the Falls of Niagara, in 1825,
a Poem (1825) provided tourists with a sentimental
romance set among the sublime and historical sights
of the Niagara region (see St. Jean 5-17) and, three
years after its author had travelled down the St. Lawrence
and up the Saguenay, Charles Sangster’s The St. Lawrence
and the Saguenay (1856) drew on Lanman and Burr
to offer tourists a similar medley of romance, scenery,
and history (see Bentley, Mimic Fires 204-05).
The better to cater to American tourists, Sangster had
his poem printed and copyrighted in the United States
and "[n]eatly bound in Muslin, and uniform with
the American editions of the Poets" (qtd. in Bentley,
"Introduction," The St. Lawrence and the
Saguenay xlvii). Moreover, as early as 1862 Sangster
began augmenting The St. Lawrence and the Saguenay
with a view to publishing a second edition that would
be even more appealing to American tourists, a project
that he again took up between 1888 and 1891, when, as
he told W.D. Lighthall, he had more than doubled the
length of the poem with a view to collaborating with
his "nephew Amos W. Sangster," a Buffalo "painter
and Engraver" who was then "issuing the last
number of an illustrated work on the Niagara,"
on a "goodly sized book, with…descriptive notes…on
the Thousand Islands and the downward route generally
as far as Ha! Ha! Bay" on the Saguenay (qtd. in
Bentley, "Introduction" xliv). The very fact
that Sangster was contemplating such a grandiose project
in the late ’eighties and early ’nineties attests, not
only to the continuation of touristic interest in Canada
among monied Americans, but also to the continuing role
that poetry was playing in the Canadian tourist industry
in the post-Confederation period. In 1888, Charles G.D.
Roberts told Lighthall that he "hardly regard[ed]
Sangster and [him]self as in the same boat" as
writers (Collected Letters 88), but clearly he
and other Confederation poets, especially William Wilfred
Campbell, shared with the author of The St. Lawrence
and the Saguenay an awareness of the potential advantages
of using their poetry in tourist guides aimed partly
or primarily at readers outside Canada.
most ambitious, important, and controversial guide to
Canada in the post-Confederation period was Picturesque
Canada: the Country as It Was and Is, a lavishly
illustrated collection of essays on different parts
of the country that was published in thirty-six installments
and as a two-volume set in 1882-1884. "[A] business
venture of two Americans, the Belden Brothers of Chicago,
Howard Raymond and Reuben Booth," Picturesque
Canada was modelled less on Canadian Scenery
Illustrated, as Archibald MacMechan suggests (Head-Waters
107) on Picturesque America, or the Land We Live
In (1872-74), a highly successful series and set
edited by the eminent American poet William Cullen Bryant
(Reid, "Lucius Richard O’Brien" 794). As its
general editor, Raymond and Booth chose George Monro
Grant, the philosophical principal of Queen’s University
whose Ocean to Ocean: Sandford Fleming’s Expedition
through Canada in 1872 had appeared in 1873 and,
as a result of the high demand born of its timeliness
and readability, had gone to second and third revised
editions in 1877 and 1879 (a fourth followed in 1925).
As its artistic director, they chose Lucius O’Brien,
the first president of the Royal Canadian Academy of
Arts who had "dominated the academy’s first exhibition…in
Ottawa in…1880" with Sunrise on the Saguenay
(1880), a large canvas "in a manner similar
to that employed by the American landscape painter Albert
Bierstadt" (Reid 794). Very clearly, Raymond and
Booth wanted Picturesque Canada to appeal to
audiences on both sides of the border—to patriotic Canadians
as well as to American tourists. Shrewdly, they arranged
for it to be published under the imprint of Belden Brothers,
but in Toronto.
the contents and the reception of Picturesque Canada
were marked by this attempt to please two quite different
audiences. As initially promoted, it was to have been
illustrated entirely by Canadian artists, but, in the
event, more than seventy-five percent of its five hundred
and forty illustrations were by the American artists
who had worked on Picturesque America—a fact
that may have generated a comforting sense of familiarity
among potential American tourists but certainly provoked
a "bitter" public response from Canadian patriots
(Reid 794). Much of this controversy swirled around
O’Brien, who had not only overseen the illustration
of the work but produced the bulk of the remaining illustrations
himself, including some superb depictions of the scenery
of the Great Lakes and British Columbia. Nor was the
financial security and artistic inspiration that O’Brien
derived from Picturesque Canada (Reid 794) without
far-reaching consequences either for Canadian national
art or for the relationship between Canadian artists
and the tourist industry. Partly as a result of his
work on Picturesque Canada, O’Brien was commissioned
to do illustrations for the Canadian Pacific Railway
in 1883 and, in 1886, "[w]hen the officers of the…Railway
decided to send artists west on their newly completed
line…in order to promote the mountains as a tourist
destination, [he] naturally was the first to be invited"
(Reid 795). Several of the products of O’Brien’s work
for the C.P.R. in the late ’eighties such as Cloud
Capped Towers (1886), Through the Rocky Mountains,
a Pass on the Canadian Highway (1887), and A
British Columbia Forest (1888) "caught the
imagination of Canadians" because they depicted
the nation as a "newly accessible resource"
of sublime scenery and "boundless national
wealth" (Reid 795). By the early ’nineties, "O’Brien’s
style and method [were] so well known that any extended
observations of his work" seemed unnecessary to
Archibald Lampman and Duncan Campbell Scott (At the
Mermaid Inn 57). It is an indication of O’Brien’s
range and stature as a national artist in the post-Confederation
period that the paintings mutely admired by Lampman
and Scott at the Academy exhibition in 1892 included
Grand Falls on the River St. John (New Brunswick)
and The Mill Pond at Blair (Ontario).
a literary and patriotic stand-point, George Monro Grant
was well-chosen as the general editor of Picturesque
Canada. As well as being "[a] well-written
travel book," his account of the 1872 survey for
the railway to British Columbia in Ocean to Ocean
"celebrates the possibilities of the new country"
and, as D.B. Mack observes, "did much to promote
interest in the northwest and to generate political
support for the railway" (405). If the "Introductory"
chapter in Ocean to Ocean is implicitly nationalistic
in its imperialism ("[b]y uniting together, the
British Provinces…declared that their destiny was—not
to ripen and drip, one by one, into the arms of the
Republic—but to work out their future as an integral
and important part of the grandest Empire in the world"
[(1879) 23]), its concluding chapter is a passionate
statement of the "morally driven patriotism [that]
is evident throughout Picturesque Canada"
(Mack 407). Resonantly entitled "Our Country,"
it canvasses the usual three political options available
to Canada—independence, imperial consolidation, and
annexation to the United States—and then adopts the
tones of the Presbyterian Church that Grant had helped
to become a national institution in 1875 to utter a
prophesy and a prayer: "[a] grand future beckons
us as a people onward. To reach it, God grant us purity
and faith, deliverance from the lust of personal aggrandizement,
unity, and invincible steadfastness of purpose"
( 356). As he makes clear in the Preface to Picturesque
Canada, Grant envisaged the project as a stimulus
to patriotism more than tourism: "being in sympathy
with Canadian aspirations and knowing Canada from ocean
to ocean, I believed that a work that would represent
its characteristic scenery and the history and life
of its people would not only make us better known to
ourselves and to strangers, but would also stimulate
national sentiment and contribute to the rightful development
of the nation. The favour with which the work has been
received is due not merely to its artistic merit, but
to the growing patriotic spirit of the people"
(1:iii). "[S]trangers" planning to make first-hand
acquaintance with "scenery and…history" represented
in Picturesque Canada could be assured of encountering
people with a growing sense of national pride such as
that evinced by Joseph Edmund Collins hin his lavish
praise of the work as "a triumph of artistic skill"
in Canada under the Administration of Lourd Lorne
(1884): "Canada now enjoys the credit of being
able to produce the higher class of artistic work in
a manner that has outrivalled any other enterprise of
this kind on the continent, Picturesque Canada,
but being barbarous in artistic merit in comparison.
The country, therefore, is under obligation to...Messrs.
Belden...for having demonstrated to us that, with adequate
energy, capital and skill at her hand, Canada need not
be behind her most conspicuous rivals" (360, and
see also "Picturesque Canada" and "A
Great Work on Canada").
intimated by its subtitle—Canada as It Was and Is—each
section of Picturesque Canada focuses on both
the past and the present condition of the particular
region to which it is devoted, providing the reader
with descriptions and illustrations of local history,
scenery, folklore, industry, and recreation. Largely
typical of its genre is the section on New Brunswick
that Roberts probably began in the fall of 1881 and
completed in the summer of 1883, when his enthusiasm
for Canadian "Independence" was either at
or near its peak (see Collected Letters 27-28,
31, 34). Prefaced by engravings of Grand Falls and St.
John, "New Brunswick" begins with an account
of natural resources that can "only be gathered
by the strenuous effort which breeds a sturdy and determined
race" and then proceeds to a tour of the province
that alternates descriptions of its physical features
with vignettes from its Acadian and British history
(2:741-42). Like the accompanying engravings of such
scenes as the "Wharf at St. Andrews," the
"Restigouche River, from Prospect Hill," in
Bathurst, and "Poling Up and Paddling Down"
by Melicite Indians, Roberts’s essay emphasizes the
commercial, aesthetic, and recreational features of
New Brunswick and suggests that all are readily accessible
either by water or on the Intercolonial Railway, which
Sandford Fleming had declared ready for traffic on July
1, 1876. As with the other sections of Picturesque
Canada, the message is clear: New Brunswick is a
picturesque and prosperous part of Canada that has much
to offer residents and visitors alike, especially those
who are not averse to a little "strenuous effort."
Roberts’s essay is somewhat atypical is in its extensive
poetic components. Matthew Arnold, Robert Buchanan,
and other poets are mentioned or quoted in several places;
the Native legend that Roberts would versify in "The
Departing of Gluskâp" (1886) is briefly summarized
and credited both "with the wild, impressive beauty
of Celtic legend" and with being the "Melicite
‘Passing of Arthur’" (2:780); and the view "from
the cupola of the university" in Fredericton is
rendered as a prospect piece complete with foreground,
middle-ground, and a metaphorical background that anticipates
"Tantramar Revisited," not least in its discreetly
erotic geography: "th[e] valley is for the most
part pale-green, save where the river draws a broad
ribbon of azure round the gleaming city disappearing
under the shoulder of the uplands to our right, and
where a square of rich saffron colour tells us of the
yet unharvested grain" (2:767). Yielding to the
temptation of self-promotion with understandable modesty,
Roberts quotes his own sonnet "To Fredericton in
May-Time" (1881) anonymously but nevertheless in
its entirety, thus setting a perilous precedent for
the markedly less restrained ego of William Wilfred
Campbell. Some of the other sections of Picturesque
Canada, notably those of accomplished poets and
critics such as Agnes Maule Machar and Graham Mercer
Adam, contain similar poetic components, but none puts
poetry at the service of travel-writing to quite the
same extent as "New Brunswick." In Roberts’s
essay an alliance is forged between poetry, patriotism,
and tourism that recalls the poems of Alexander and
Sangster even while it anticipates the well-known involvement
of members of the Group of Seven, particularly A.Y.
Jackson and Arthur Lismer, with the publicity programmes
of the C.P.R. and the C.N.R. (see Hill 176-78, 188-91).
was Roberts unaware of the financial rewards to be gleaned
from aligning his writing skills with the advertising
campaigns of Canada’s railways. In a letter of October
9, 1885 to Samuel Edward Dawson, he tried to interest
the Montreal bookseller and publisher in a manuscript
entitled "‘Birch and Paddle, or canoe-cruises in
[the] trout and salmon waters of New Brunswick,’"
a "guidebook" for which he thought "[t]here
would be a good sale…both in N.B. and in the States,"
particularly if "the N[ew] B[runswick] R[ailway],
and I[nter-] C[olonial] R[ailway]…[could] be induced
to take some copies to use as ads. It should
make, I think, about a dollar a book" (Collected
Letters 55). Nothing came of this proposal, and
Roberts apparently abandoned the scheme for a guidebook
until the early ’nineties, when he wrote a Canadian
Guide-Book for the New York publisher of his translation
of Philippe Aubert de Gaspé’s The Canadians of Old
(1890). Part of his motivation for reviving the
project was to finance an escape from the "fetters"
of domesticity and the "yokes" of other commitments
(Collected Letters 140). "[T]he desire for
wandering has been strong upon me," he told Bliss
Carman on January 31, 1892, "[w]hat sayest thou
if we plan for a break and a dash at the beginning of
July. …[W]e could strike right across the continent
for the Rockies, Vancouver, Japan!"
could doubtless work the C.P.R. for my passes,
and so couldst thou by making arrangements for newspaper
correspondence. I also should arrange for like correspondence.
This would help funds. …Further, might we not…arrange
with some good publisher to do together a book
on the trip? something popular, saleable,
and at the same time worth doing, careful and serious.
In part a traveller’s companion on the C.P.R. from
London to Japan and the ‘bond of Empire’ idea
used also, giving the work something of an imperialistic
significance. My idea is a combination of [John Askew]
Roberts’ [Gossiping] Guide [to Wales],
[Augustus William] Hare’s Walks about Florence,
and [James Anthony] Froude’s "West Indies travels
and observations." By confining ourselves to
a direct main line, like the C.P.R., we should avoid
the masses of guide-book detail and digression that
would so hamper a book of the sort,—and much might
be relegated to appendices. We should thus, too, secure
the C.P.R.’s friendliest help and support throughout.
Such a book, done well, would be no discredit! And
it would sell in England, Canada, and U.S.A. What
think?? (Collected Letters 140)
this letter makes clear, Roberts had a sophisticated
understanding of the guide-book genre and its literary,
political, and commercial possibilities in the 1890s,
when the C.P.R. and other railways had begun to appreciate
the promotional value of literary as well as artistic
representations of the scenery along their routes. The
fact that Roberts’s scheme did not materialize may reflect
Carman’s lack of enthusiasm (his response, if any, has
not survived), but seems as likely to have been the
result of a combination of professional and domestic
responsibilities, coupled with the sudden and shattering
death of Roberts’s younger brother, Goodridge Bliss
Roberts, on February 4, 1892. Roberts would not be able
to engineer his escape to New York until February 1897.
the two tourist guides that Roberts did write or co-author
in the early 1890s—The Canadian Guide-Book. The Tourist’s
and Sportsman’s Guide to Eastern Canada and Newfoundland
(1891; 2nd ed. 1892) and The Land of Evangeline and
the Gateways Thither (1895) —he both strengthened
the alliance among poetry, patriotism, and tourism forged
in "New Brunswick" and augmented it with features
designed to appeal specifically to American and, to
a much lesser extent, British tourists. Like other guidebooks
aimed at English-speaking tourists and sportsmen, the
first of these, co-authored with Ernest Ingersoll, was
published both in the United States (by Appleton in
1891) and in Britain (by William Heinemann in c.1892),
and several times reprinted and up-dated. Modelled on
"the famous Baedeker Handbooks" (2),1
it draws heavily on Picturesque Canada
but tempers the outspoken nationalism of Grant’s work
with various accommodating gestures towards Americans:
the people of Canada are "engrossed in the work
of nation-building," Roberts explains in his Introduction,
but the climate of the Maritimes and the St. Lawrence
region is "not unlike that of New England,"
and when visiting the Acadian coast of Nova Scotia "the
tourist will [presumably have]…an open volume of ‘Evangeline’
in his hand, or at least…a copy of Longfellow in his
pocket" (1,2,254). Just in case this is not so,
Roberts includes a lengthy quotation from Evangeline
in the text of The Canadian Guide-Book and excerpts
a long passage from Picturesque Canada to remind
readers of Longfellow’s treatment of Hiawatha as ‘"the
Hercules of Ojibway mythology’" (38).2
because he had more space to fill and more material
upon which to draw, Roberts is much more generous in
The Canadian Guide-Book than in Picturesque
Canada with quotations from his own work. Now in
the versified form of "The Departing of Gluskâp"
(1886) the "Melicite Passing of Arthur" is
here (157-58) as, under the title of "Menagwes,"
is "The Vengeance of Gluskâp," a poem not
published elsewhere until 1894 (see Collected Poems
479). "To Fredericton in May-Time" is not
included, perhaps because "Blomidon," a recently
written sonnet that refers to Longfellow as a "tender
singer" whose "song…crowns" the fame
of Evangeline (Collected Poems 128), seemed more
appropriate to the primarily American audience of The
Canadian Guide-Book. In the portion of the book
devoted to Quebec, Roberts quotes only his own translation
of de Gaspé’s "Quebec, 1757" (1890) and gives
a fellow Maritimer, the Reverend Matthew Richey Knight
of Halifax, a moment of secular glory by quoting his
sonnet on "Jacques Cartier" (1887). Less eccentric
is the choice of the sestet of Archibald Lampman’s "The
City" (1888) and five stanzas of his "Between
the Rapids" (1888) to give poetic resonance to
Ottawa and the journey downriver to Montreal. By quoting
Thomas Moore’s "Canadian Boat Song" (1806)
on the approach to Montreal, Roberts merely confirms
his alignment with a tradition of poetic tourism that
stretches back in Canada through Sangster,3
Warburton, Basil Hall and numerous others to Moore himself
(see Bentley, Mimic Fires 83-85)—a tradition
that would have been familiar to his American readers,
not only in Bryant’s Picturesque America and
its successors, but also in the many volumes of Longfellow’s
Poems of Places (1876-1879).
much of the sightseeing that Roberts rehearses in The
Canadian Guide-Book, particularly in the sections
devoted to the Maritimes, occurs during or after railway
journeys, it is scarcely surprising that the advertisements
at the end of the book include one for the C.P.R. and
two for "The ‘Land of Evangeline’ Route" of
the Windsor and Annapolis Railway. While the C.P.R.
advertisement is very general ("If you are going
to Canada, the Eastern Provinces, the Upper Lakes, the
Western Provinces, over the Rockies, to the Pacific
Coast, to Japan and China, or Around the World, you
can do so with comfort and satisfaction by travelling
via this Great Railway…" and so on), the one for
the Windsor and Annapolis Railway is predictably much
more specific and literary. Touting "The ‘Land
of Evangeline’ Route" as "the beau-idéal
of the Tourist’s Road [with] the best and most recent
improvements—steel rails, air-brakes, new rolling stock—
making travel a luxury, through scenes over which LONGFELLOW
lavished the splendors of his imaginative genius,"
it invites tourists to "[b]uy a volume of Longfellow,
or look up the nearest Tourist Agency; or, better still,
take a trip to Nova Scotia" and travel with the
Windsor and Annapolis Railway over the "ground
where the love-tragedy of EVANGELINE was woven in Fate’s
shuttle" and past the "scenes made so real
and familiar in the work of the greatest American Poet."
"Through the car-windows the enchanted traveler[s]"
will see both the villages and the landscapes of Evangeline
(Grand Pré, the Gaspereaux River, the Basin of Minas,
and "Blomidon crouch[ing] in lonely grandeur keeping
WATCH…over the point of embarkation, from which the
Acadian exiles saw with streaming eyes the last of their
old homes") and, at Windsor and Halifax, they will
"all…visit the home of immortal ‘Sam Slick,’ known
at his own fireside as Judge Haliburton" as well
as a variety of other sites such as King’s College,
Fort Edward, and the Citadel. Did Roberts supply the
copy for all or part of this and, if so, did he do so
before or after writing "Blomidon"? The answers
may never be known, but in their very asking the questions
are indicative of the symbiotic relationship that sometimes
existed between Canadian poetry and the tourist industry
during the Confederation period.
further aspect of that relationship comes into view
when, between listing the literary and historical landmarks
of Nova Scotia and mentioning the "Splendid Steamships
Running in Connection to and from Boston and St. John,
N.B.," the advertisements for "The ‘Land of
Evangeline’ Route" assure "Health-seekers…that
in travelling BY THE WINDSOR AND ANNAPOLIS RAILWAY they
are in one of the best climates on the footstool, where
the air is the only medicine required to keep you fresh
as paint." More obviously than Roberts’s reference
to the "invigorating climate" (1) of Canada
in the Introduction to The Canadian Guide-Book,
this insistence on the medicinal properties of the Nova
Scotia climate reveals the extent to which Canadian
vacations were sold to late nineteenth-century Americans
as a cure for the nervous and physical ailments that
were widely believed to be caused by the impact on sensitive
people of life in a modern city and, thus, to be especially
prevalent among the middle and upper classes of New
York, Chicago, and other conurbations in the American
northeast. If, as Dr. George Miller Beard had argued
in American Nervousness, its Causes and Consequences
(1881), "modern civilization" was the "predisposing
cause" of all the psychosomatic symptoms ascribed
to "neurasthenia" or "Americanitis"
(98-99), then a restful time away from modern civilization
in a park, at a cottage, or in Canada should return
the sufferer, at least temporarily, to health. As argued
elsewhere, the Vagabondia volumes of Bliss Carman
and Richard Hovey (1894-1901) are partly a product of
the American "mind-cure" movement, as are
many other works of the Confederation poets, including
several of the nature lyrics of Lampman’s Among the
Millet, and Other Poems (1888) and the animal stories
that Roberts began to publish in book form shortly before
he moved to New York in 1897 and came to view after
the turn of the century as a temporary source of freedom,
"refreshment and renewal" for those trapped
in "the world of shop-worn utilities and…the mean
tenement of self" (Kindred of the Wild 29;
see also Bentley, "Carman and Mind Cure" and
"Unclouded by Sophistries"). Since escape
from "modern civilization," whether on a vacation
or by means of a book, would provide relief from "Americanitis,
"[h]ealth-seekers" could expect to be doubly
refreshed and renewed by a trip to Nova Scotia with
Evangeline, Longfellow, or, at least, The
Canadian Guide-Book in hand or pocket.
the therapeutic aspect of a trip to Canada is more acknowledged
than emphasized in The Canadian Guide-Book, it
is given a prominent place in the guide to Nova Scotia
that Roberts wrote for the successor to the Windsor
and Annapolis Railway in the winter of 1894-95 (see
Collected Letters 188-91).4
On the inside front cover of The Land of Evangeline
and the Gateways Thither, an advertisement for the
Dominion Atlantic Railway proclaims "EVANGELINE’S
LAND. . .the wonderland of artists, the sportsman’s
paradise, [and] the healthiest spot on the footstool"—a
thrice-blessed destination for people who "have
a care for [their] pocket, health and time…love scenery,
variety and comfort…[and] want to see the land that
poets, romancists and artists have made their own."
In the opening paragraphs of his Introduction, Roberts
continues in the same vein and with his eye very much
on urban and upper-echelon Americans: "[t]he tourist…escaping
to the cool atmosphere [of Nova Scotia] from the tropic
fervors of Washington Street or Broadway" will
find much to enjoy in landscapes rich in "the heritage
of a romantic and mysterious past" and bathed in
the "transfiguring glow" of Longfellow’s "imaginings"
(1). Of special medicinal value for Americans suffering
the consequences of the monotony, cacophony, and pollution
of cities such as New York is scenery that is by turns
stimulating and relaxing ("austere grandeur alternates
with softest loveliness, …the wilding piquancy of untrained
Nature with the rich peacefulness of well-tilled farms")
and, more than this, "good air"— air that
is "tonic and temperate, guiltless of malaria,
ignorant of hay-fever, friendly to work, to play, to
sleep, to appetite. It touches to content the o’er-wrought
nerves, and fills with healing breath the troubled lungs"
(2). As the words "good," "guiltless,"
and "ignorant" in this description suggest,
Nova Scotia is more than merely a sanatorium for neurasthenic
Americans in The Land of Evangeline and the Gateways
Thither; it is an earthly "paradise" within
easy reach of the polluted pandemoniums of the industrial
northeast on the steamer and trains of the Dominion
makes Nova Scotia especially attractive to native and
visiting writers and artists is the combination of its
abundant and fresh (not to say unfallen) subject-matter
and the psychological and perceptual qualities of its
air: "here is material rich and unwrought waiting
for [the writer’s] pen—landscape, legend, and tradition;
and in the wholesome air thought runs clear and the
brain is capable. …[And] the great tides, the wide marshes,
the vast red gaping channels, supply subjects [for the
artist] which are new both in line and colour; and the
moisture in the bland air gives ‘atmosphere’ to soften
all harsh edges" (2). Farfetched as they may seem,
such ideas were probably taken very seriously by Carman,
Hovey, Henrietta Russell and the other writers and artists
who came from New York in the summers of 1892 and 1893
to stay with Roberts in Windsor (see Collected Letters
152, 176). Indeed, the therapeutic emphasis of The
Land of Evangeline and the Gateway Thither could
well have been inspired by Hovey’s future wife and directed
at people like her.6
"Mrs. Henrietta Russell, of New York, the
famous Delsartian teacher and society leader, expects
to come on a camping expedition to Windsor…with a small
party of friends and pupils," Roberts told Lorin
Ellis Baker, the President of the Yarmouth (Nova Scotia)
on July 15, 1893, "and I write to ask if you will
extend to Mrs. Russell personally…the courtesy
of a pass, both ways,—and of special attention on
the journey! All Mrs. Russell’s movements will be
attentively chronicled in Boston and N.Y. papers and
she has a very wide influence among society and travelling
classes in America. …It is my own persuasion that is
bringing her and her party this way; but it will be
easy to secure her influence in the future, toward
inducing tourists of her class to visit this part of
the world" (Collected Letters 176). That
Henrietta Russell did not camp again in Nova Scotia
after the summer of 1893 probably had more to do with
the impecuniousness that Roberts’s letter nicely conceals
than with any discourtesy shown to her either in transit
or in Windsor.
The Land of Evangeline and the Gateways
Thither contains excerpts from several pieces by
Roberts and other Maritime writers that serve the dual
purpose of promoting local talent and confirming the
inspirational quality of Nova Scotia history and scenery.
Predictably, Longfellow dominates the opening chapter
on "‘Evangeline’s Land,’" but the chapter
closes with "The Returned Acadian" (1893),
a sonnet by John Frederic Herbin, the descendant of
an Acadian exile who would later use his influence as
"mayor of Wolfville…[to] secur[e] land at Grand
Pré for the establishment of a park dedicated to his
ancestors" (Large 35-36). (In writing of the Gaspereau
River valley as "an exquisite pastoral" setting
of the sort that inspired "Theocritus [to write]
his idylls" , Roberts may have been remembering
that in "To the Singers of Minas"  he
is flatteringly characterized by Herbin as a resurrected
Hellenic artist to whom "The broad green plain
of level Tantramar / Is but the Tempe of…ancient time"
[Marshlands 51].) But as any reader familiar
with Picturesque Canada and The Canadian Guide-Book
would expect, the greatest Canadian literary presence
in The Land of Evangeline and the Gateways Thither
is Roberts himself. In addition to a long quotation
from "The Departing of Gluskâp" (who is now
"the demi-god of the Micmacs" ), the guide
includes a prose account of Lescarbot’s "Order
of Good Cheer" from "Sybarites on the Topique"
in the April 1890 issue of Outlook, and four
stanzas of "Whitewaters" (1896), a poem about
the Nova Scotia village of that name on the "storied
peninsula" of Blomidon (13, 2). As was the case
with "Blomidon," "Whitewaters" apparently
made its first appearance in print in the pages of a
For a student of Roberts’s poetry,
perhaps the most interesting aspect of The Land of
Evangeline and the Gateways Thither, however, is
the revisioning in its Introduction of the tradition
of the Romantic return poem that spawned "Tantramar
Revisited." Conceding that for readers of Longfellow
some disappointment may "follow on the heels of
closer knowledge" of the places described in Evangeline,
Roberts does not privilege "darling illusion"
over "close sight" at the conclusion of his
poem (Collected Poems 79) but assigns equal value
to both: "[we] know that Yarrow Unvisited seemed
to Wordsworth fairer than Yarrow Visited, and we are
apt to fancy that Nova Scotia Unseen might prove a stronger
enchantment than Nova Scotia Seen. Yet…[t]he land endures
the test of close acquaintance. The charm of illusion
is gently displaced by an equally seductive charm of
fact" (1). When cherished illusions are to be safeguarded,
the enchantment born of distance has its value, but
if American tourists are to be persuaded to visit the
"Land of Evangeline" on the Dominion Atlantic
Railway they must be persuaded of the equal or greater
attractions of "close acquaintance": Nova
Scotia Unseen means Railway Carriages Unfilled.
In the decades surrounding the publication
of The Land of Evangeline and the Gateways Thither
dozens of guides to different regions of Canada and
to the country as a whole were written by Canadian authors,
several of whom were friends or associates of Roberts
and other Confederation poets. Before collaborating
with Roberts on The Canadian Guide-Book, Ingersoll
published The Crest of the Continent: a Record of
a Summer Ramble in the Rocky Mountains and Beyond
(1885) and An Excursion to Alaska by the Canadian
Pacific Railway (1887), the latter commissioned
and published by the C.P.R. as part of the advertising
campaign initiated by William Van Horne in The Canadian
Pacific, the New Highway to the East across the Mountains,
Prairies and Rivers of Canada (1887), a "high
quality, tourist-oriented pamphlet" aimed at "the
upper-class English traveller" (Hart 25). After
putting in his appearance in The Land of Evangeline
and the Gateways Thither, Herbin published Grand
Pré. A Sketch of the Acadian Occupation of the Basin
of Minas, the Home of Longfellow’s "Evangeline":
A Guide for Tourists (1898), a work that went to
several editions under the title The History of Grand
Pré (1907, 1911). During the same period, the Montreal
poet and philosopher William Douw Lighthall, whom Roberts
had greatly assisted in the commissioning and editing
of Songs of the Great Dominion (1889), published
Montreal after 250 Years (1892) and Sights
and Shrines of Montreal: a Guide Book for Strangers
and a Handbook for All Lovers of Historic Spots and
Incidents (1907) and none other than George Monro
Grant, Roberts’s mentor in the genre, produced a sequel
to Picturesque Canada in Our Picturesque Northern
Neighbour. Historical and Descriptive Sketches of the
Scenery and Life in and around Toronto, along the Canadian
Shore of Lake Huron, in the North-West Territory, and
in British Columbia (1899).
That Grant’s second collection and
its two companion volumes, The Eastermost Ridge of
the Continent. Historical and Descriptive Sketch of
the Scenery and Life in New Brunswick, Nova Scotia,
and Prince Edward Island (1899) and French Canadian
Life and Character. With Historical and Descriptive
Sketches of the Scenery and Life in Quebec, Montreal,
Ottawa, and Surrounding Country (1899), were published
by Belford in Chicago is an indication that by the turn
of the century Canadian independence was a less sensitive
issue than it had been two decades earlier. A principal
reason for this was the decline in the threat of annexation
that followed the Liberal defeat in the election of
1891 and the collapse of the Continental Union League
in 1893 (see Warner 200-45), two events that occurred
in part because of the rise in imperial sentiment that,
as Carl Berger has shown, followed the foundation of
the Imperial Federation League and the celebration of
the centennial of the United Empire Loyalists in the
summer of 1884 (78). In the late ’eighties and ’nineties,
as the C.P.R. came to be seen as an imperial as well
as a national amenity (see Hart 69-80 and Roberts’s
letter of January 1892, quoted earlier), Canadian and
British imperialism became an increasingly prominent
feature of writing about Canada by and for travellers.
Cases in point include Edward Roper’s By Track and
Trail: a Journey through Canada (1891), Douglas
Sladen’s On the Cars and Off: Being the Journal of
a Pilgrimage along the Queen’s Highway to the East,
from Halifax in Nova Scotia to Victoria in Vancouver’s
Island (1895) and The Great Dominion: Studies
of Canada (1895) by George Parkin, a principal spokesman
for the Imperialist movement and of course, the charismatic
teacher of, among others, Carman, Roberts, and Stephen
Leacock. Perhaps because he viewed imperialism only
as a necessary ally of nationalism in the battle against
annexation, Roberts admired and advocated the position
articulated by Parkin in The Great Dominion, Imperial
Federation (1892), and several earlier articles
(see Collected Letters 86, 204), but did not
allow it to colour either The Canadian Guide-Book
or The Land of Evangeline and the Gateways Thither.
He was also much too canny to allow tourist guides aimed
primarily at Americans to be touched by the anti-Americanism
implicit in both Canadian nationalism and Canadian imperialism.
No such considerations prevented William
Wilfred Campbell from lacing both Canada (1907),
his "description of the Country and People,"9
and The Canadian Lake Region (1910), his account
of The Beauty, History, Romance and Mystery of
the northern Great Lakes, with imperial sentiments so
fulsome as to border on sycophancy. Simultaneously published
in London and Toronto, Canada is dedicated to
the then Governor General, Earl Grey, and illustrated
by T. Mower Martin, a "transplanted Englishm[a]n"
whose style, not surprisingly or even inappropriately,
is "a popular variation on the great tradition
of English landscape painting" (Reid, Concise
History 68). Through O’Brien, and, later, Van Horne,
Martin had enjoyed travel privileges on the C.P.R. in
the ’eighties and ’nineties, but most if not all of
the illustrations in Canada appear to have been
executed specifically for the book in 1904-06. Campbell
probably wrote the text at about the same time (his
Author’s Note is dated December 1906), but in his chapters
on central Canada especially he quotes repeatedly from
his own collected Poems (1905), particularly
from pieces published in Lake Lyrics and Other Poems
(1889). Numerous quotations from other nineteenth-century
poets such as Longfellow (Evangeline) and Moore
("Canadian Boat Song") assist in giving Canada
the flavour of a bygone age.
In the opening paragraphs of his Introduction,
Campbell envisages Canada as a country poised between
extremes of climate and destiny:
country of the deadliest arctic cold, and of the fiercest
tropical heat, with numerous delightful climates in
between—this is the country called Canada. And of
a similar strange mixture are its people, at once
the saddest-fated and yet most promising of any people
upon earth. …Canada promises either to be the theatre
of one of the greatest national entities earth has
ever seen, or else, failing this, to be the spot where
the race has died out in a crude, vulgar cosmopolitanism,
where patriotism has been destroyed by a decadent
party system, and all idealism crushed out in a hard
"race" to which Campbell refers is the British
race and the "idealism" that he sees under
threat resides in the rural population of northern European
and, especially, northern British descent that has made
Canada the "Scotland of America" and may yet
succeed "in establishing as strong and as elevated
a civilisation on this continent as Britain has in the
old" (2, 11). In attributing the "northern"
qualities that are "needful to make a people really
great" to both "climate" and "heredity"
(4), Campbell aligns himself with a tradition of thinking
about Canada as an extension of northern (British) virtues
and an alternative to southern (American) vices that,
of course, received one of its earliest and most influential
formulations in R.G. Haliburton’s characterization of
Canadians as "the Northmen of the New World"
(8) in The Men of the North and Their Place in History
(1869). As Berger observes, Campbell "spoke for
all imperialists" when he told the Empire Club
in Toronto in November 1904 that Canada’s only choice
lay "between two different imperialisms, that of
Britain and that of the Imperial Commonwealth to the
south" (Selected Poetry and Essays 178).
intense imperialism touches almost every aspect of Canada,
dictating both his likes and his dislikes. Apparently,
the oak has the most beautiful foliage of all Canadian
trees because it is "emblematic of the…national
character" of the "English people" (132)
and "narrow theoretical nationalists" of the
literary persuasion must be made to recognize that "genius"
knows no national boundaries, that the "two most
famous Canadian poems [are] Evangeline and Hiawatha,"
and that "most of [Canada’s] writers have had a
special interest in the rich civilisations of the past,"
particularly those of their British countries of origin
(50-52). As consistent with such assumptions and arguments
as Campbell’s preference for W.H. Drummond, "the
gifted author of The Habitant" (85) over
any other contemporary Canadian poet (Roberts, Carman,
Lampman, and Duncan Campbell Scott are not so much as
mentioned in Canada)10
is his fondness for the work of writers who shared his
imperialist sentiments: "[t]hat gifted Celtic-Canadian
statesman and poet," Thomas D’Arcy McGee (20),
those "large and noble" prophets of "Imperial
federation," Joseph Howe and Thomas Chandler Haliburton
(30-37), and "the true poet [and]…fine artist"
whose verse contains "[t]he finest pen-portraits"
of Quebec City and its environs, "the Duke of Argyll…[who]
as Marquis of Lorne…was Governor General of Canada"
from 1878 to 1883 (63-68). After quoting several "splendid,"
"rare," "delightful," "delicate,"
"beautiful," and "exquisite" passages
from Lord Lorne’s poems, Campbell marvels sycophantically
that, although "Canada has produced many writers
who have described her natural and historic glories,
and…splendid resources," it was "one of her
Governors-General who was the first to picture her historic
fort [Quebec] in…fine classic verse" (68).
how completely Campbell’s descriptions of Canada and
its people are coloured by his imperialism is shown
by part of his account of "the most representative
one hears [Toronto’s] myriad church-bells ring on
a Sabbath morning, giving it the air of an old English
Cathedral town, it will scarcely be realised that
here on the week-days exists the unrest and the fever
of a people over-much American, in their absorption
in the world of finance and the awful business of
stock-gambling and other material interests, the too
close application to which is bringing about a marked
deterioration in our Canadian manhood. Nor would one,
who has witnessed the intense loyalty to British institutions
shown by the citizens of…Toronto, and their strong
appreciation of the necessity of the Imperial spirit
and of the development of the Empire, realise without
surprise that this city has long been the residence
of that distinguished historian, essayist, and master
of English, Goldwin Smith, whose life-dream for many
years in the past was to bring about the annexation
of the Dominion to the United States. Mr. Smith has,
however, of late admitted his mistake. …His residence,
The Grange, is…a typical English manor-house [that]
stands in the centre of a small but English-looking
park. …He is a delightful and dignified host quite
after the aristocratic and old-time manner. (157-58)
perhaps on the basis of Smith’s disapproval of the imperialistic
activities of the United States in 1898-1904,11
that he has abandoned his belief in continental union,
Campbell makes him a parabolic figure in Canada—a
reformed sinner safely and admirably ensconced in his
with the expectation that a guidebook by a poet will
contain more of its author’s poetry than modesty might
sanction, The Canadian Lake Region comes as a
surprise. Not only is the book prefaced by a Campbell
poem (as was Canada) but so also are most of
its ten chapters, and quotations from Lake Lyrics
and Other Poems are so frequent that the reader
comes fully to accept his contention that "there
is no portion of the globe more fit" than "the
lake region of Canada" for "the mood and dream
of the poet and lover of nature" (14-15). Even
Lord Lorne is allowed to intrude only briefly on Campbell’s
poetic territory with his "fine sonnet" on
"Niagara," and then only to suggest the inadequacy
of "‘A universe of waters thundering down / Across
the awful verges of the world’" as a description
of the Falls (60-62). As an exercise in self-promotion,
The Canadian Lake Region forecasts Campbell’s
Oxford Book of Canadian Verse (1913), where twenty-four
pages of his poems, many of them on imperialistic themes,
appear as the biggest jewel in the crown of Canadian
any reader of Canada might expect, Campbell’s
bow in the direction of Lord Lorne is part of the imperialistic
message of The Canadian Lake Region as a whole.
"Summer and winter, autumn and spring, the influence
of this great lake is for the strengthening of our character,"
he writes of Lake Huron in his chapter on Georgian Bay;
"[n]ext to the mountains and sea of our ancient
mother, Britain, no cradle for the rearing of a great
people could be more fitting than the shores of this
vast lake. All that spirit of the sea-faring soul, the
daring of the navigator, the love of the open, the search
for adventure, is here met and satisfied" (113).
After this the reader must suspect that there are imperialistic
as well as geographical reasons for Campbell’s reluctance
to "include Michigan in a series of essays on the
Canadian Lake region" (115). Lake Michigan is "off
the main track of the great waterway from the St. Lawrence
to the Canadian West" and, moreover, "it has
no present personality as a lake beyond its size, …its
place on the map in the great chain of lakes" and
"the fact that it has two huge cities, Chicago,
the American capital of the middle west, and Milwaukee,
for its…ports. …Yet there is no Canadian lake which
has a more interesting history, and the past of Canada
and the early discovery and exploration of the West
would be incomplete without the story of this remarkable
and beautiful body of water" (115-16). It is to
be regretted that "[t]he Lake Michigan of to-day
is out of the domain of the Canadian people" and
that the "greatest northern emporium" of "modern
materialism" has arisen on its southern shore,
but it can nevertheless be appreciated by Canadian "thinker[s]
and lover[s] of the true and beautiful…and [by] worshipper[s]
of the noble in humanity" for its role in the early
history of Canada and its "associat[ion] with a
prehistoric people, who worshipped God in the universe"
his remarks on Lake Huron and Lake Michigan suggest,
Campbell conceives of the Great Lakes as a region whose
natural amenities, historical associations, and spiritual
resonances will continue to exercise a positive influence
on Canadians as individuals and on Canada as a nation
within the Empire. Besides being "forever associated
with the names and deeds of the Ulysses, Aeneases, and
Argonauts of early Canada, the Great Lakes reveal "vestiges
of an ancient people beyond the memory of the aborigine,
the evidence of a mysterious race12…[and]
an earlier civilization. Thus are the[y]…clothed in
an ideal atmosphere of history, heroic personality and
adventure, and veiled in…mystery" (16-17). For
these as well as natural reasons, the Great Lakes have
potent spiritual and therapeutic properties: "the
breezes which blow over [Lake Huron’s] mighty breast
are those which tone the soul to high endeavour, or
woo the worn or jaded spirit to nature’s langor, her
mediciner toward her divine purpose," and the region
as a whole is "an Eden" "for the very
air is full of a vigor and life-giving essence, and
the nights cool, dry and restful, with brooding repose
for jaded nerve and care-wracked brain. Here man can,
if he sanely chooses, renew his life for a season, and
forget that he is a serf or a hireling" (20-23).
Of course, Campbell was not alone in making such claims
for "the Canadian Lake region" but merely
one of a chorus of writers whose advocacy of the therapeutic
benefits of a season away from the "awful business"
of the modern city, be it New York, Chicago, or Toronto,
led to the construction of the countless summer cottages
that now line almost every lake in Canada and the United
finally, Campbell’s advice to "our men of action
and…the practicalities of life" to "spend
a week or a month every summer somewhere on the shores
of the…great lakes, away from the jar and jangle, the
vulgar jostle of the crowded money-marts" (29),
arose from the conviction that time thus spent had more
than merely medicinal value. In "open" spaces
away from the "stifling purlieus of half-civilized
American cities, where [their] humanity is stunted and
degenerated to the inhuman demands of a modern commercial
and money-hungered helotism," Canadians could realize
"their true natures and somewhat of God’s purpose
in bringing them into…existence" (29)—that is,
their "true natures" as British North Americans.
In Campbell’s mind, the Great Lakes are "mystic
guardians or dwellers at the gates of our community
and personal existence" that can help "Canada
to realize her ideals and responsibilities as a community"
by inspiring Canadians "to be contemplative and
to link their ideals with their daily lives" (26-27).
It is ultimately as a "tonic" for the imperial
spirit—the Schweppes and Canada Dry for the gin and
rye of British and Canadian imperialism—that the Great
Lakes have their greatest value:
great lakes—Ontario, Erie, Huron and Superior—form
the wave-walls of two sides of the important triangular
Province of Ontario, that garden of the middle north,
which our first Governor, Simcoe, chose as the suitable
seat of his ideal colony, which was, as he truly prophesied,
destined to perpetuate British good government and
British ideals on this side of the Atlantic. …They
are, as the wise Governor foresaw, an effective barrier,
shutting Ontario off from the communities to the south
and west, so that the Canadian soil, the Canadian
seasons, and the Canadian atmosphere, have been allowed
to produce a peculiar stock of a British American
people, which is already taking its place as a national
factor among the ethical forces and race elements
of the world. (30)
its environmental determinism, its Ontarian arrogance,
and its racial nationalism, the passage contains sufficient
insights into Canadian history and raises enough echoes
in the works of George Grant, Dennis Lee, Margaret Atwood,
and numerous other thinkers and writers that it cannot
easily be dismissed as the mere rantings of an imperialistic
crank. In their vision of the Canadian heartland as
an ideal realm whose natural innocence and communal
values must be safeguarded from the incursions of American
modernity, Campbell’s works are the not-so-very distant
ancestors of Grant’s Lament for a Nation (1965)
and Technology and Empire (1969), Lee’s Civil
Elegies (1968) and Savage Fields (1977),
and Atwood’s Surfacing (1972) and Survival
(1972), not to mention several other works of the
1960s and ’70s that engage in what Atwood calls "mythologizing
or analyzing…the country’s predicament as a political
victim" (Survival 242). However bizarre
some of their ideas may now appear The Canadian Lake
Region, Canada, The Land of Evangeline
and the Gateways Thither, The Canadian Guide-Book,
and Roberts’s essay on "New Brunswick" in
Picturesque Canada reflect modes of thinking
and writing about this country that evidently had validity
and force for their readers and, in variant forms and
various quarters, have remained powerful and persuasive
to some Canadians in the present century.
earlier version of this essay appeared in the Journal
of Canadian Studies 32.2 (Summer 1997): 79-99. I
am grateful to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research
Council of Canada and the University of Western Ontario
for their generous support of my research and teaching,
and to Michael Peterman and Thomas E. Tausky for valuable
comments on the essay.
Baedeker and his three sons began to publish guides
to European countries and cities in the 1860s. The
United States, with an Excursion to Mexico appeared
in 1893 and The Dominion of Canada: with Newfoundland
and an Excursion to Alaska in 1894. Both were
written by James Fullarton Muirhead. [back]
further discussion of the role of Longfellow’s Evangeline
in generating tourism and patriotism in Nova Scotia,
see the articles of N.E.S. Griffiths and Graeme
Wynne. Other touristic works that capitalized on
the Evangeline story around the turn of the century
are Jeannette A. Grant’s Through Evangeline’s
Country, a tourist guide published in Boston
in 1894, and Amos Lawson Hardy’s collections of
photographs under the title Evangeline Land
(1902) and The Evangeline Land (c. 1902).
Of Evangeline Land, Wynne remarks that several
of its features, including "its well-worn title
[and] its deliberate attempt to encompass the length
of the Dominion Atlantic line," indicate that
it, too, was "intended to appeal to the tastes
of contemporary travellers" on the Yarmouth-Halifax
line (73). The exploration of Evangeline
by promoters of tourism falls squarely in the centre
of what James H. Morrison calls the "‘elite
sport tourist’ period" in Nova Scotia—that
is, the period from July 1871, when a party of "some
400 Americans travelled by railroad to Nova Scotia
from Boston" (where Evangeline was first
published in 1847), to 1940, when the automobile
initiated the "tourist explosion" of the
"mobile period" (41-42). Morrison briefly
discusses the roles of Roger Hallock (the first
editor of Forest and Stream), Zane Grey,
and Albert Bigelow Paine in promoting Nova Scotia
as a destination for American sportsmen (42). [back]
variety of reasons including copyright, his low
regard for Sangster as a poet, and possibly, his
knowledge, through Lighthall, that Sangster and
his nephew were planning an illustrated guide to
the region probably account for Roberts’s failure
to quote from The St. Lawrence and the Saguenay
in the central Canadian portions of The Canadian
Guide-Book (see Roberts, Collected Letters
88, 104). [back]
her History of the Dominion Atlantic Railway
(1936), Marguerite Woodworth places The Land
of Evangeline and the Gateways Thither in the
context of the amalgamation of the Windsor and Annapolis
and the Yarmouth and Annapolis railways as the Dominion
Atlantic Railway in 1893 and the subsequent decision
of the new company both to exploit the Boston-Yarmouth
service of the Yarmouth Steamship Company and to
purchase its own boats in order to further increase
the lucrative "tourist traffic": "[t]hroughout
1895 and 1896 the D.A.R. prepared the ground for
the advent of their new boats. A New England Agency
was installed...[in] Boston..., large sums were
spent for newspaper publicity; supplies of literature,
pamphlets, etc. ...were printed in England and sent
over for distribution; Charles G.D. Roberts...was
commissioned to write a railway guide that would
appeal to prospective tourists; the Maritime Express
Co. was formed (April 1895)...operating Halifax-Yarmouth-Boston-Saint
John and connecting lines" (116). Woodworth
also chronicles the "phenomenal increase"
in tourist traffic between New England and Nova
Scotia in the early ’nineties as a result of the
co-operation between the province’s railway companies
and the introduction of steel steamers on the Boston-Yarmouth
route" (115-116). [back]
the steamer and engines were named after characters
in Evangeline (see Roberts, The Land of
Evangeline 3). [back]
may also reflect an increased knowledge of therepeutic
theory as a result of personal experience, for Robert’s
letters of the early ’nineties suggest that for
several years beginning in the summer of 1890 he
himself suffered from bouts of weariness and depression
due to domestic tension and hard work on such projects
as The Canadian Guide-Book. In a letter of
August 8, 1891, for example, he told William Morton
Paine that "for the last twelve month"
he has been "dull and oppressed (with a sort
of nervous prostration…)" and thanks him for
"being interested in [his] guide-book, written
in the midst of great depression" (Collected
Letters 134, and see also 133, 144-45, 153,
173, and 186). [back]
describes the Yarmouth Steamship Company as "the
pioneer tourist line in Nova Scotia’ and observes
that prior to its formation in 1885 "travel
between Yarmouth and Boston had been insignificant"
the editorial Notes to Roberts’s Collected Poems
mention is made of "[t]wo unidentified clippings"
of "Blomidon," "one in the Rufus
Hathaway Collection at the University of New Brunswick
and one in the partial manuscript book of Songs
of the Common Day at McGill University"
(444), and of "an unidentified galley sheet"
of "Whitewaters" with the byeline "‘King’s
College, Windsor, N.S.’" in the Roberts Collection
at the University of New Brunswick (462). Possibly
the clippings are from copies of The Canadian
Guide-Book and a galley sheet from The Land
of Evangeline and the Gateways Thither. [back]
is so described on the half-title page of The
Canadian Lake Region (). [back]
had long-since alienated himself from his fellow
Confederation poets by insulting them first covertly
and then overtly (see At the Mermaid Inn
and Hurst). In Canada he refers darkly to
"a few writers who, without any true grip of
Canadian life as it is, and seeking what they falsely
think makes their work unique, strain to make out
that the spirit of Canada is yet to be found in
the wilds; but these are mere posers, who do not
count in our real advancement—flies on the national
wheel; such as are found in every country. Even
these men produce their literary pablum in the heart
of American or Canadian cities" (7). In castigating
"narrow theoretical nationalists" later
in the book he observes that "[w]e have in
Canada, and have had in the past, a very few…writers
and cliques" that have "exploite[d]…our
new nationalism for the advantages which it may
bring them" (50). [back]
quotations that Arnold Haultain assembles in Goldwin
Smith: His Life and Opinions (1913) to represent
Smith’s "views as to the ultimate destiny of
Canada" suggest that he remained an annexationist
to his death in 1910 (see 107-09), but in Goldwin
Smith: Victorian Liberal (1957) Elisabeth Wallace
suggests that American "imperialist ambitions"
in the Philippines and elsewhere around the turn
of the century caused him "to doubt the wisdom
of union with the United States" (278). [back]
Campbell’s Selected Poetry and Essays (188-89)
for his view in The Tragedy of Man (1912)
that "the higher races of mankind are and were
the result of a fusion, at some remote period, of
a mysterious race of beings of loftier origins and
condition, with a lower, autochthonous, or purely
earthly race, who were possibly evolved from the
lower creations" and "[t]hat this higher
race had its origin from without the planet, or
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